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改革後的區議會為民謀福
文章
2023 年 5 月 17 日
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早前我在《中國日報香港版》以英文撰文，闡述區議會改革的優點，感謝《文匯論壇》節錄原文並翻譯為中文版本，在此與大家分享。順道附上我於1982年作為政務總署首席助理政務司，負責推動首屆區議會選舉的照片（感謝林妙茵提供）。
【改革後的區議會為民謀福】《文匯論壇》節錄中文版本
期待已久的區議會改革方案公布後，獲得社會各界大力支持。特首李家超強調，改革後的區議會必須遵守「愛國者治港」原則，必須維護國家安全、必須擁護行政主導——對這些重要原則，有必要再三強調。
回顧區議會發展歷程，不難看到隨着民選比例擴大，反對派陣營的區議員政治野心亦不斷上升，妄圖將區議會變成權力機關。顯然，區議會這一發展方向背離了基本法第九十七條的規定：「香港特別行政區可設立非政權性的區域組織，接受香港特別行政區政府就有關地區管理和其他事務的諮詢，或負責提供文化、康樂、環境衞生等服務」。為了回歸基本法初心，區議會改革勢在必行。
區議會改革後，歡迎所有願意維護國家安全、支持行政主導、擁護「一國兩制」的市民參與。新的區議員產生辦法列明三條途徑，有助於政府廣納賢能，讓不同背景和資歷的人才在他們最熟悉、聯繫最密切的地區服務市民。
有人認為，委任制無需直接向選民負責，相比民選議員可能反應不夠迅速，服務不夠用心，對此，市民完全不必擔心。改革之後的區議會，每一位議員都必須緊緊貼近市民、牢牢把握地區事務動向。而且，政府已明確表示將增設履職監察機制以評估議員表現。不僅會統計出席率等數據，還會評估議員在改善環境、惠利民生方面有哪些貢獻、做出了哪些政績。
由民政事務專員擔任區議會主席，也有助區議會職能回歸基本法初心。事實上，最初的「地區諮詢委員會」也是由民政事務專員擔任主席，負責監督協調政府的民生事務工作。後來，港英政府刻意給予民選區議會更多的權力，由此導致區議會過度政治化而無法有效運作。
令人欣慰的是，現在，政府在提高區議員評估準則的同時，也要求各政府部門擔負起相關責任、共同改善基層施政。新設立「地區治理領導委員會」，並由政務司司長主持，同時，副司長則會領導「地區治理專組」，確保地區治理決策和統籌工作得以順利進行。
在新的區議會制度下，只要候選人真誠維護國家安全、擁護行政主導、捍衛「一國兩制」即可參選。對縮減民選比例完全無需擔憂，因為評估區議會的成敗指標是議員的政績而非其產生辦法。預計當局會適時通過法案修改《區議會條例》，並在年底前完成委任和選舉，屆時，新一屆區議會將會選賢與能，魄力重現，戮力同心，共同謀求香港利益最大化，開啟社區服務新篇章。
改革後的區議會為民謀福(《文匯論壇》節錄，英文原文發表在《中國日報香港版》評論版。)
---------- 以下為刊登於《中國日報香港版》英文原文-----------------
Revamped district councils will get back on tracks (Authored by Regina Ip, posted on China Daily hk)
On May 2, Chief Executive John Lee Ka-chiu unveiled long-awaited plans for reforming the district councils.
The revamped district councils are to be restructured to have a tripartite membership, similar to the Legislative Council, comprising appointed members, members elected by members of Area Committees, the Fight Crime Committee and the Fire Prevention Committee in each district, and about 20 percent directly elected in substantially enlarged geographical constituencies. The numbers of district councilors will be slightly reduced from 479 to 470. The new-style district councilors are expected to play a bigger role in district consultation and improving governance at district level.
In announcing the “major surgery”, the chief executive stressed that the reformed district councils must comply with the principle of “patriots administering Hong Kong”, must safeguard national security and must support “executive-led governance”. These principles cannot be overemphasized.
When appointed members were replaced entirely by directly elected members in 2015, many district councils fell into the hands of rabble-rousers who got elected through fanning anti-government sentiments. They grabbed media attention through indulging in eye-catching antics at council meetings, but did little solid work of value to local residents.
Things went from bad to worse in 2019 when months of rioting stoked dissatisfaction with the government. Many anti-government candidates seized the opportunity to win seats through exploiting the politics of hate and fear. Riding on their anti-government platforms, some elected members openly adopted anti-China positions, fueling separatist sentiments especially among young people.
After the National Security Law for Hong Kong was enacted by the National People’s Congress Standing Committee in June 2020, over 300 district councilors resigned, causing the work of a number of district councils to grind to a halt. Their exodus from the district councils speaks volumes about their inability to comply with the fundamental requirements of loyalty to the country and commitment to “one country, two systems”.
Looking back on the history of the district councils since the 1980s, expansion of the electoral element led elected members in the opposition camp to harbor ambitions to turn district councils into organs of power. Such a development clearly went against the provision of Article 97 of the Basic Law, which clearly states that “District organizations which are not organs of power may be established in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region, to be consulted by the government of the Region, on district administration and other affairs, or to be responsible for providing services in such fields as culture, recreation and environmental sanitation”.
The dysfunction and disorder which plagued the district councils made it imperative for the chief executive to reshape the district councils in accordance with the original intent of Article 97 of the Basic Law.
District councils were actually preceded by “district advisory boards” established in the early 1980s, designed to serve as platforms for consultation and collation of public opinions at district level. They were given some responsibilities for providing cultural, sport and recreational activities. Their knowledge of local conditions enabled them to give sound advice to the government on the improvements necessary to ameliorate the local environment and sanitary conditions.
This format worked well. But twisted ideas of power emanating from delusions about their “direct popular mandate” perverted the functions of subsequently elected district councils. Many veered from serving the people to jockeying for power. Reform is necessary to return district councils to the right path, as intended in the Basic Law.
The tripartite composition will enable the government to enlarge the talent pool for district councils. The different routes to membership will enable suitable candidates of diverse skills and backgrounds to have an opportunity to serve in the district with which they have the greatest affinity and connection.
There is no reason to worry that appointed members would be less hardworking or responsive than elected members who are more directly accountable to their electors. All are expected to establish a close connection with the people, so that they can keep close tabs on the pulse of the community. Moreover, the government has made it clear that there will be a mechanism to assess their performance, presumably not just on the basis of quantitative yardsticks such as attendance records, but the value of their contributions in terms of constructive ideas for improving the local environment and the livelihoods of the people.
It follows from the return to the original intent of the Basic Law that district councils would more appropriately be chaired by district officers. Before the British tried to give elected district councils more power as a check on government (which degenerated into excessive politicization and malfunction), district advisory bodies were chaired by district officers charged with the responsibility of overseeing and coordinating the work of government departments which most directly impact local residents.
It is pleasing that while the government will raise the bar in evaluating the performance of new-style district councilors, the government will also require government departments to do their part in improving district administration. The chief secretary for administration will chair a high-level steering committee on district governance, while the deputy chief secretary for administration will lead a task force to ensure effective coordination.
The revamped system is open to participation by all willing to uphold the key principles of safeguarding national security and supporting executive-led governance, the cornerstones of “one country, two systems”. Hand-wringing on the reduction of the electoral element is unnecessary, as incumbents should not be assessed purely on the procedure by which they were selected, but by the quality of their performance. Assuming that the necessary amendment legislation will be enacted in time for appointments and elections to be completed before the end of the year, we can look forward to revitalized district councils filled with able and committed people with Hong Kong’s best interests at heart, ready to open a new chapter of service for the people.
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上星期（5 月18、19 日），國家主席習近平在西安主持了中國—中亞峰會，是我國與中亞五國建交31 年來，六國元首首次面對面會談。
回顧歷史，自漢武帝於西漢時期派張騫出使西域開發絲綢之路，我國便開始與中亞各國進行貿易、科技發明和宗教信仰等範疇的交流，是次峰會延續多國幾千年的關係。
提到絲綢之路，必談到因其而馳名中外的敦煌文化。古代敦煌是絲綢之路的必經之地，因而稱為「華戎所交一都會」，孕育中外文化豐富的交流與碰撞。敦煌文化最為驚艷的遺產包括其服飾設計與石窟壁畫，而上月開播，由內地紅星羅雲熙與白鹿主演的仙俠劇《長月燼明》正正融合了以上因素，令觀眾眼前一亮。
該劇服裝造型設計師表示，《長》的服裝設計特地參考了「敦煌飛天款式、莫高窟壁畫紋樣、丹霞和雅丹地貌的奇幻濃郁色彩」及「絲綢之路西域特色的瓔珞配飾」，因此與過往的仙俠劇服飾大為不同。舉例說，如《三生三世十里桃花》、《香蜜沉沉燼如霜》等先前爆紅的仙俠劇都一貫為女性角色設計飄飄欲仙的服裝，當中，蓬鬆的長袖是不可缺乏的元素。《長》則推翻此慣例，參照敦煌飛天仙女的造型為女角創造多套無袖長裙。其中，女主角桑酒在與男主角冥夜結婚的情節便穿了一套紅白色的無袖漢服，出眾的造型在內地網上引起不小轟動。同樣，劇中的男角們亦有大量特別的造型，融入如披帛、臂釧等佛像特色元素。
《長》別出心裁的服裝不斷在網上傳播，根據「砍柴網」5 月10 日的報道，該劇包括手鏈和華服等相關產品的銷售量已經超過1300 萬人民幣，創下內地古裝劇IP 衍生品眾籌紀錄，反映《長》的軟性影響力將讓更多人認識敦煌文化。未來若有更多內地影視劇踴躍打破固有風格，相信外國的觀眾也能更深入了解我國文化。
中國電視劇的軟實力（二）
隨着疫情趨緩、通關復常，大量港人展開「報復性旅遊」，奔向世界各地。根據智遊網（Expedia）2022年「# TravelForReal 旅客調查」結果，港人最想前往的海外城市包括東京、首爾、新加坡、紐約及倫敦等。相比之下，港人對鄰近的內地城市反應較冷淡，雖也會去上海、北京、重慶等地點旅遊，但未必是首選。
為振興內地旅遊業，吸引各國人民去中國遊山玩水，內地近年愈發依賴電視劇來宣傳繁花似錦的景色。參考今年1月播出，劉亦菲與李現主演的《去有風的地方》，該劇通過講述女主角許紅豆從大城市辭職後到雲南短住的經歷，向觀眾介紹洱海、鳳陽邑、大理古城等景點。此劇舒適的節奏和溫暖的劇情引起很多面對生活焦慮的城市打工人的共鳴，因此不但在豆瓣獲得罕見的8.6高評分，更成為首部在內地全網熱搜超過4000+的劇集。
《去》的影響力遠遠不止國內。根據「今日頭條」2月的報道，該劇已翻譯成6個外語版本，並會陸續在全球各地至少225個平台播放。在YouTube上，《去》至今有英語、越南語、印尼語和西班牙語等語言的字幕，而多集已破100萬觀看次數。《紐約時報》於今年1月17日發布的「國際電視劇推薦榜」更強烈推薦《去》，評價道：「《去》可以媲美西方國家出品的浪漫喜劇，因為本劇更巧妙、更自然、更讓人共鳴，並有很高的人文價值。」
《去》從開播至今的短短5個月內已帶起雲南的旅遊風潮。有旅遊平台推出與該劇同款路線的旅遊團，而根據《中國日報》的報道，今年春節到訪大理市的遊客比去年上升超過兩倍。該劇亦有軟銷我國的非物質文化遺產，包括大理木雕坊、紮染坊產業和刺繡產業，獲聯合國教科文組織在微博上稱讚。
我國的旅遊業已逐漸崛起，但仍被很多旅客忽略。因此，我國希望通過像《去》的電視劇吸引更多外地人來了解我國的青山綠水，欣賞我們博大精深的文化。
中國電視劇的軟實力（一）
對大部分香港人而言，一提起經典的童年回憶，便會聯想到與家人每天晚上坐在客廳裏觀看TVB電視劇的時光。近年，佘詩曼、陳小春等很多家喻戶曉的TVB藝人紛紛到內地發展，反映內地電視劇製作產業的急速發展，百花齊放，作品更逐漸打進國際市場。
提到佘詩曼，就必須談及她2018年參演的內地古裝劇《延禧攻略》。這部劇當時在7月開播後一炮而紅，憑着環環相扣的宮鬥情節與女主角魏瓔珞愛憎分明、機敏靈活的性格吸引全國民眾。根據英國廣播公司（BBC）於2018年12月的報道，《延禧攻略》在愛奇藝上播放量已破150億次，更在當年成為了谷歌全球年度搜索榜電視劇集的第一名。因谷歌早年已關閉內地的服務，此成就突顯了《延禧攻略》在國外的熱烈反響。該劇在全球70多個國家播出，尤其廣受新加坡、馬來西亞等國家觀眾的好評。相比之下，如2016開播的《王冠》（TheCrown）等擁有類似皇家題材的西方電視劇的表現則較為遜色。根據網飛（Netflix）的收視報告，《王冠》首季只錄得超過1757萬小時觀看時數，證明了我國電視劇也有能力與西方主流電視劇較量。
同樣，在2019年播出，根據墨香銅臭小說《魔道祖師》改編的耽美劇《陳情令》也火遍世界。此劇至今已在騰訊視頻上斬獲超過100億次的播放量，而當時在內地播出後便迅速有泰國、韓國、日本等多國電視台爭奪版權。劇中雙男主肖戰和王一博也因此人氣急升，成為內地頂流。《陳情令》收官後，肖戰和王一博隨即在泰國舉行見面會，引發當地粉絲熱烈反應。續後，《魔道祖師》更翻譯成英語、俄語、日語、韓語等多國語言出版，英語版本更在2022年1月登上《紐約時報》（TheNewYorkTimes）平裝貿易小說暢銷書榜的第九名。
2022年夏天播出的《蒼蘭訣》、《星漢燦爛》和剛剛收官的仙俠劇《長月燼明》亦備受國內外觀眾歡迎。由此可見，國內的電視劇未來可期，將化為軟實力，向世界宣傳我國豐富的文化。
立法會日前首次舉行了行政長官互動交流答問會。這次答問會與過往不同之處，就是議員可以提問 「Anything Under the Sun」(在陽光下任何問題)，市民大眾可透過直播觀看整個過程。
但今次採用新模式，行政長官先預告他想聚焦討論「二十大報告」及「兩會精神」。他於開場時表明希望提高並發揮愛國者治港的最高境界，能夠團結同事透過互動令到我們更有大局觀，國家觀及國際觀。 他指出二十大報告有許多重要論述，包括落實「一國兩制」的基本原則。「兩會精神」則圍繞如何落實二十大的行動部署。
互動答問會分兩節進行，第一節討論「安全穩定」，第二節討論「發展與幸福」。進行第二節討論時，多名議員包括陳振英、林健峰與林筱魯等均就兩個大型基建項目：北部都會區及交椅洲人工島融資的建議。林健鋒議員表示目前一些公司或政府的發債只容許機構投資者購買，希望政府研究發債「平民化」。陳振英議員指出兩個項目財政投入極為龐大、興建人工島有許多不確定性，假如純粹以公帑支付興建人工島開支，政府一定要加強公私營合作，利用高效市場提出的方法，包括發債及將部分項目證券化；林筱魯議員則提出支持透過發債為北部都會區及交椅洲填海項目融資，希望公眾有機會分享未來發展成果。
行政長官回應上述意見時提出多個例子，例如政府當年發展沙田新市鎮，興建沙田第一城是邀請地產商參與填海，然後政府批地給予他們興建房屋，如此一來便可解決融資問題，此外他亦引述早前到中東阿聯酋訪問，留意到當地有將整個區域發展項目撥予單一企業營運，企業可在區內制定法規，訂立款項甚至稅款。
雖然我於答問會上嘗試按鈕發言，可惜未有機會參與這個項目的討論，但我也想在此表達一下意見。
首先非常感謝行政長官以謙虛及開放的態度，徵求立法會一眾議員同事的意見，特別是虛心聆聽提出融資建議的意見。個人認為用公私營合作方法來支付交椅洲人工島的開支不可以太樂觀，更不可能以七十年代發展沙田新市鎮的模式相比。因為當年發展沙田新市鎮，根本上是在淺水的城門河填海，發展商很快便可在填海得來的土地興建房屋，從而售賣樓宇獲得豐厚收入，猶如摘下成熟果實(low-hanging fruit)，相對容易。由於較容易計算回報，商界也樂於投放資源。
可是交椅洲人工島情況大大不同。或許以今天科技能縮短填海工程的時間，但若要達到適宜居住或成為CBD(商業核心中心)，必須交通基建完善，而大型交通基建項目素有延誤，超支亦屢見不少。
最近發展局常秘何珮玲女士在一個立法會公開會議上， 確認未來一千公頃人工島土地中，有三成土地用作發展 CBD，只有兩成土地用作興建房屋，當中部分是興建公營房屋。她亦同意城市規劃應該靈活處理，如今科技發展一日千里（特別是人工智能發展），根本難以判斷二十年後是否仍然需要大量土地作為 CBD？加上發展時期非常長，私人企業是否願意投資？這是一個大疑問。
俄烏戰爭自2022 年2 月開戰後，已近15 月，仍然未有停戰迹象。不過，因應中國近年的外交勢頭，國際上有聲音期盼中國能在俄烏和平上發揮影響力，甚至充當調解人。
俄烏戰爭爆發後，美國及其盟友一直積極譴責俄方，不但針對俄方實施史無前例的國際制裁，更向烏克蘭提供大量武器，不斷擴大戰爭規模。相反，我國一直保持中立位置，致力創造雙方和談的機會，爭取早日結束戰爭。
中國外交部於今年2 月24 日發布〈關於政治解決烏克蘭危機的中國立場〉（簡稱「12 點聲明」），列出實現和平的具體步驟，再次展示我國「促進世界和平和發展」的宗旨，以及其外交實力。國家外交部發言人汪文斌強調我國「在烏克蘭問題上始終秉持客觀公正立場，積極勸和促談，為推動危機解決發揮建設性作用」。
《孫子兵法》有云：「兵者，國之大事，死生之地，存亡之道，不可不察也。」戰爭不但會造成死傷無數，更對無辜的百姓造成沉重的創傷。因此，在「12 點聲明」中，第三、四和六點強調雙方應該「停火止戰」、「啟動和談」和「保護平民和戰俘」。
雖然美國等西方國家對「12 點聲明」嗤之以鼻，大多數發展中國家卻與我國一樣，希望俄烏戰爭早日結束。俄烏戰爭不但影響了兩國民生，更令全球經濟動蕩、通脹率上升。印度、墨西哥、巴西等國不願跟隨美國制裁俄羅斯，印度更大量購入俄羅斯石油。印度總理莫迪於今年2 月25 日表示：「自俄烏開戰以來，印度即堅持以對話及外交手段來化解衝突，印度隨時準備為和平程序作出貢獻。」其態度與中國接軌。
由此可見，我國推進世界和平共處的價值觀對其他國家具非常大的吸引力。日後，我國能憑着此宗旨推出外交政策，轉化為軟實力，吸引他國追隨。
根據哈佛大學教授Joseph Nye於1990年出版的《注定領導世界：美國權力性質的變遷》（Bound to Lead:The Changing Nature of American Power）一書，軟實力是一個國家吸引他國追隨的能力，包括文化、政治價值觀及外交政策的影響力。
美國的價值觀早已廣泛散佈各國，成為不少發展國家的主流思想，我國近年來的外交政策也不弱。由於我國「促進世界和平和發展」的宗旨非常具吸引力，有些國家已逐漸將目光投向我國，希望能與我國政府合作解決國際大事。
我國的外交實力能從沙特阿拉伯與伊朗恢復邦交一事一窺究竟。遜尼派的沙特與什葉派的伊朗一直因為宗派教義上的分歧而存在根深柢固的矛盾，早在7年前已斷絕雙方的外交關係。隨着兩國關係持續惡化，中東地區時有爆發衝突，在敘利亞和也門等地方進行代理人戰爭。來到今年3月10日，在我國歷史性斡旋下，沙特與伊朗在北京簽署三方聯合聲明，同意兩國互相重開大使館，這事彰顯了我國的外交實力。
雖然美國自二戰後促成以色列建國以來，便逐漸掌握中東事務的領導權及話語權，卻未能解決當地的各種紛爭。伊朗多年來被美國為首的西方國家及盟友孤立，只與中國和俄羅斯保持友好關係，因而願意接受我國的調停；而沙特則因為美國近年過多批評其人權紀錄，令兩國原本良好的關係變得緊張。我國之所以能在沙特和伊朗中周旋，完成美國無法完成的事，全賴其不偏不倚、希望促進和平的立場。
我國主張世界和平共處，與美國以干預主義為核心的外交政策相比，務實又不具攻擊性，因而漸漸受世界各國青睞。由此可見，我國的外交軟實力與日俱增，有能力與美國抗衡。
早前我在《中國日報香港版》以英文撰文，闡述區議會改革的優點，感謝《文匯論壇》節錄原文並翻譯為中文版本，在此與大家分享。順道附上我於1982年作為政務總署首席助理政務司，負責推動首屆區議會選舉的照片（感謝林妙茵提供）。
【改革後的區議會為民謀福】《文匯論壇》節錄中文版本
期待已久的區議會改革方案公布後，獲得社會各界大力支持。特首李家超強調，改革後的區議會必須遵守「愛國者治港」原則，必須維護國家安全、必須擁護行政主導——對這些重要原則，有必要再三強調。
回顧區議會發展歷程，不難看到隨着民選比例擴大，反對派陣營的區議員政治野心亦不斷上升，妄圖將區議會變成權力機關。顯然，區議會這一發展方向背離了基本法第九十七條的規定：「香港特別行政區可設立非政權性的區域組織，接受香港特別行政區政府就有關地區管理和其他事務的諮詢，或負責提供文化、康樂、環境衞生等服務」。為了回歸基本法初心，區議會改革勢在必行。
區議會改革後，歡迎所有願意維護國家安全、支持行政主導、擁護「一國兩制」的市民參與。新的區議員產生辦法列明三條途徑，有助於政府廣納賢能，讓不同背景和資歷的人才在他們最熟悉、聯繫最密切的地區服務市民。
有人認為，委任制無需直接向選民負責，相比民選議員可能反應不夠迅速，服務不夠用心，對此，市民完全不必擔心。改革之後的區議會，每一位議員都必須緊緊貼近市民、牢牢把握地區事務動向。而且，政府已明確表示將增設履職監察機制以評估議員表現。不僅會統計出席率等數據，還會評估議員在改善環境、惠利民生方面有哪些貢獻、做出了哪些政績。
由民政事務專員擔任區議會主席，也有助區議會職能回歸基本法初心。事實上，最初的「地區諮詢委員會」也是由民政事務專員擔任主席，負責監督協調政府的民生事務工作。後來，港英政府刻意給予民選區議會更多的權力，由此導致區議會過度政治化而無法有效運作。
令人欣慰的是，現在，政府在提高區議員評估準則的同時，也要求各政府部門擔負起相關責任、共同改善基層施政。新設立「地區治理領導委員會」，並由政務司司長主持，同時，副司長則會領導「地區治理專組」，確保地區治理決策和統籌工作得以順利進行。
在新的區議會制度下，只要候選人真誠維護國家安全、擁護行政主導、捍衛「一國兩制」即可參選。對縮減民選比例完全無需擔憂，因為評估區議會的成敗指標是議員的政績而非其產生辦法。預計當局會適時通過法案修改《區議會條例》，並在年底前完成委任和選舉，屆時，新一屆區議會將會選賢與能，魄力重現，戮力同心，共同謀求香港利益最大化，開啟社區服務新篇章。
改革後的區議會為民謀福(《文匯論壇》節錄，英文原文發表在《中國日報香港版》評論版。)
---------- 以下為刊登於《中國日報香港版》英文原文-----------------
Revamped district councils will get back on tracks (Authored by Regina Ip, posted on China Daily hk)
On May 2, Chief Executive John Lee Ka-chiu unveiled long-awaited plans for reforming the district councils.
The revamped district councils are to be restructured to have a tripartite membership, similar to the Legislative Council, comprising appointed members, members elected by members of Area Committees, the Fight Crime Committee and the Fire Prevention Committee in each district, and about 20 percent directly elected in substantially enlarged geographical constituencies. The numbers of district councilors will be slightly reduced from 479 to 470. The new-style district councilors are expected to play a bigger role in district consultation and improving governance at district level.
In announcing the “major surgery”, the chief executive stressed that the reformed district councils must comply with the principle of “patriots administering Hong Kong”, must safeguard national security and must support “executive-led governance”. These principles cannot be overemphasized.
When appointed members were replaced entirely by directly elected members in 2015, many district councils fell into the hands of rabble-rousers who got elected through fanning anti-government sentiments. They grabbed media attention through indulging in eye-catching antics at council meetings, but did little solid work of value to local residents.
Things went from bad to worse in 2019 when months of rioting stoked dissatisfaction with the government. Many anti-government candidates seized the opportunity to win seats through exploiting the politics of hate and fear. Riding on their anti-government platforms, some elected members openly adopted anti-China positions, fueling separatist sentiments especially among young people.
After the National Security Law for Hong Kong was enacted by the National People’s Congress Standing Committee in June 2020, over 300 district councilors resigned, causing the work of a number of district councils to grind to a halt. Their exodus from the district councils speaks volumes about their inability to comply with the fundamental requirements of loyalty to the country and commitment to “one country, two systems”.
Looking back on the history of the district councils since the 1980s, expansion of the electoral element led elected members in the opposition camp to harbor ambitions to turn district councils into organs of power. Such a development clearly went against the provision of Article 97 of the Basic Law, which clearly states that “District organizations which are not organs of power may be established in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region, to be consulted by the government of the Region, on district administration and other affairs, or to be responsible for providing services in such fields as culture, recreation and environmental sanitation”.
The dysfunction and disorder which plagued the district councils made it imperative for the chief executive to reshape the district councils in accordance with the original intent of Article 97 of the Basic Law.
District councils were actually preceded by “district advisory boards” established in the early 1980s, designed to serve as platforms for consultation and collation of public opinions at district level. They were given some responsibilities for providing cultural, sport and recreational activities. Their knowledge of local conditions enabled them to give sound advice to the government on the improvements necessary to ameliorate the local environment and sanitary conditions.
This format worked well. But twisted ideas of power emanating from delusions about their “direct popular mandate” perverted the functions of subsequently elected district councils. Many veered from serving the people to jockeying for power. Reform is necessary to return district councils to the right path, as intended in the Basic Law.
The tripartite composition will enable the government to enlarge the talent pool for district councils. The different routes to membership will enable suitable candidates of diverse skills and backgrounds to have an opportunity to serve in the district with which they have the greatest affinity and connection.
There is no reason to worry that appointed members would be less hardworking or responsive than elected members who are more directly accountable to their electors. All are expected to establish a close connection with the people, so that they can keep close tabs on the pulse of the community. Moreover, the government has made it clear that there will be a mechanism to assess their performance, presumably not just on the basis of quantitative yardsticks such as attendance records, but the value of their contributions in terms of constructive ideas for improving the local environment and the livelihoods of the people.
It follows from the return to the original intent of the Basic Law that district councils would more appropriately be chaired by district officers. Before the British tried to give elected district councils more power as a check on government (which degenerated into excessive politicization and malfunction), district advisory bodies were chaired by district officers charged with the responsibility of overseeing and coordinating the work of government departments which most directly impact local residents.
It is pleasing that while the government will raise the bar in evaluating the performance of new-style district councilors, the government will also require government departments to do their part in improving district administration. The chief secretary for administration will chair a high-level steering committee on district governance, while the deputy chief secretary for administration will lead a task force to ensure effective coordination.
The revamped system is open to participation by all willing to uphold the key principles of safeguarding national security and supporting executive-led governance, the cornerstones of “one country, two systems”. Hand-wringing on the reduction of the electoral element is unnecessary, as incumbents should not be assessed purely on the procedure by which they were selected, but by the quality of their performance. Assuming that the necessary amendment legislation will be enacted in time for appointments and elections to be completed before the end of the year, we can look forward to revitalized district councils filled with able and committed people with Hong Kong’s best interests at heart, ready to open a new chapter of service for the people.
隨着中國人口和經濟增長，國力上升，有些政治專家認為現今的國際形勢已發展為中美兩個超級大國對峙的格局。然而， 參考William T. R. Fox於1944 年出版的《超級大國：美國、英國、蘇聯——她們對和平的責任》（The Superpowers: The United States, Britain and the Soviet Union—Their Responsibility for Peace ）一書中對超級大國的定義，中國尚未成為超級大國。
何謂超級大國？ Fox 在書中提出，超級大國的評判標準包括人口、地理面積、天然資源、經濟實力、科技實力和科技創新能力、軍事力量、政治穩定性和抉擇能力等因素。雖然中國在大多數領域都毫不遜色，但國家的軍事力量仍有待增強。早在第二次世界大戰後，美國就派軍駐守世界各地。根據美利堅大學（American University） 於2021 年的統計，時至今日，美國在至少80 個國家內設有近750 個軍事基地。與美軍相比，中國軍隊只在東非吉布提設有一個海外軍事基地，兵力投射遠遠不及美方。同時，中國核武器的整體庫存也與美方的庫存差之甚遠。根據美國科學家聯合會2023 年的統計，中國現時擁有約410 個核彈頭，而美國則擁有約5244個，數量超過中國的庫存整整11 倍多！
當然，中國有成為超級大國的潛力。近年，中國已在多方面成功展示自己的硬實力。在上個月爆發的蘇丹內戰中，中國海軍成功派遣軍艦撤離中國在蘇丹人員以及多名外籍人員，充分體現海軍的能力。此外，中國的經濟實力與日俱增，現已有能力對外國放貸。根據《金融時報》4 月的報道，中國在過去10 年發放了大概1 萬億美元貸款，為發展中國家減輕經濟負擔，中國更於今年3 月同意破產的斯里蘭卡重組貸款，協助斯里蘭卡政府擺脫經濟危機，專心改善民生。
總括而言，不論中國是否已達到超級大國的定義，其國力已經不容小覷。若中國繼續擴展自身的硬實力，假以時日，必會更進一步掌控國際局勢。