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GBA integration will unlock new avenues for innovation and growth
文章
2024 年 11 月 29 日
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This week, Hong Kong's chief executive, John Lee Ka-chiu, led a high-level delegation from the business sector to five major cities in the Guangdong-Hong Kong-Macao Greater Bay Area: Foshan, Guangzhou, Dongguan, Huizhou and Shenzhen. The trip, which began on Monday, took in the Guangdong-Hong Kong Economic and Trade Cooperation Exchange Meeting in Guangzhou, co-hosted by the Guangdong provincial government and the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region. Among the event's highlights was the signing of 126 economic and trade agreements worth over 100 billion yuan ($13.8 billion) between businesses from both sides. This achievement underscores not only the depth of economic ties between Hong Kong and Guangdong but also the enormous potential for future collaboration.
For Hong Kong's business community, this is more than just an opportunity — it is a clarion call to action. By embracing a more open mindset and adopting practical strategies, Hong Kong's businesses can participate in the GBA's development, unlocking new economic momentum and fostering higher-quality growth for the city itself.
Since the release of the Outline Development Plan for the Guangdong-Hong Kong-Macao Greater Bay Area five years ago, the region has emerged as one of China's most dynamic and globally connected economic zones. Its population has topped 87 million, and in 2023 its GDP exceeded 14 trillion yuan, rivaling some of the world's largest economies. This remarkable growth demonstrates the GBA's vast market potential and its appeal to global investors.
For Hong Kong, the GBA presents a treasure trove of untapped opportunities. The region's emphasis on integrating resources, industries and talents from Hong Kong, Macao and nine mainland cities offers fertile ground for fostering innovation and economic synergy.
The central government has made its priorities clear. At the recent third plenary session of the 20th Central Committee of the Communist Party of China, Beijing reaffirmed its commitment to deepening GBA collaboration, emphasizing the importance of harmonizing regulations and mechanisms between Hong Kong, Macao and mainland cities. Vice-Premier He Lifeng, speaking at the third Global Financial Leaders' Investment Summit in Hong Kong earlier this month, reiterated the central government's support for Hong Kong's role in the GBA. He stressed the importance of aligning financial and regulatory frameworks and urged Hong Kong to seize the moment to build on the region's momentum.
These developments highlight two key points: First, the central government views the GBA as a central pillar of China's high-quality development; second, Hong Kong's success is intrinsically tied to the GBA's growth. For Hong Kong, this is a unique opportunity to leverage its strengths to serve the nation's broader goals of opening up to the world.
Hong Kong's business leaders have long been at the forefront of driving the city's economic growth. In the context of the GBA, their role is even more critical. By acting as both a "superconnector" and a "super value-adder", Hong Kong businesses can bridge global resources with the GBA's growing needs. This means attracting high-end international talent, integrating global supply chains, and expanding into new international markets.
The benefits of such efforts go both ways. While Hong Kong can help raise the GBA's profile on the global stage, the region's rapid development also offers Hong Kong a chance to rejuvenate its own economy, tap into recent innovations, and strengthen its competitive edge. For instance, Hong Kong is uniquely positioned to lead in sectors like finance, logistics and professional services, where its expertise and international networks are unmatched.
However, to fully unlock these opportunities, more support is needed from the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region government. Policies that offer tax incentives, funding support and streamlined regulations could go a long way in encouraging businesses to invest in key GBA initiatives. Particular focus should be placed on infrastructure development, technological innovation and supply chain upgrades — areas where Hong Kong's contributions can make a meaningful difference.
One key area where Hong Kong can align itself more closely with the GBA is through the Northern Metropolis, a strategic development zone that aims to expand the city's economic footprint and deepen its ties with mainland cities. As Hong Kong's largest urban development initiative, the Northern Metropolis represents a bold vision for integrating industries and communities across the border.
During this week's visit, the delegation explored how Guangdong's cities have successfully planned and developed their industrial zones. The insights gained can help Hong Kong craft strategies for the Northern Metropolis, turning ambitious blueprints into tangible results. By learning from Guangdong's experience, Hong Kong can ensure that the Northern Metropolis becomes a vibrant hub where businesses from both sides of the border can collaborate seamlessly.
The GBA is not just a regional initiative — it is a global opportunity. With its unique role as an international financial center, Hong Kong has the tools to help the GBA thrive while also benefiting from its growth. But to achieve this, the city must act decisively. The HKSAR government must strengthen its policy support for businesses, while the business community itself must step up to embrace the challenges and opportunities ahead.
The path forward is clear. By deepening its integration into the GBA, Hong Kong can unlock new avenues for growth, innovation and prosperity. In doing so, it can reaffirm its position as a vital link between China and the rest of the world — a role that has defined its success for decades and will continue to shape its future.
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中央政府宣布自12月1日起恢復深圳市戶籍居民及持有居住證的非戶籍居民赴港的「一簽多行」個人遊簽注。這一政策的恢復，標誌著香港與內地交流的再度加強，並為香港的經濟復甦注入了新的動力。此舉不僅是對深圳居民的支持，更是中央政府對香港未來發展的重要承諾，充分展現了國家對香港的關懷與重視。
此次恢復的「一簽多行」政策與以往有顯著不同。早期的「一簽多行」僅限於深圳戶籍居民，且在特定條件下訪港，受到次數限制。現在，不僅深圳戶籍居民可受惠，持有居住證的深圳居民亦一樣。根據立法會資料研究組的研究文件（FSC21/2024），2023年深圳戶籍居民約606萬人，持有居住證的非戶籍居民約1779萬。此次政策的擴展，使合資格人數從606萬增加至約1779萬。這些持有居住證的深圳居民來自全國各地，在深圳生活和工作，擁有顯著的消費潛力，對香港的經濟發展將起到重要的推動作用。
每當香港面臨挑戰時，中央政府總是會在關鍵時刻提供支持，助力香港重回正軌。回顧2003年亞洲金融風暴和SARS疫情後，香港經濟遭受重創，民心不振。當時，中央政府迅速與特區政府簽署《內地與香港關於建立更緊密經貿關係的安排》（CEPA），實施港澳個人遊計劃，刺激經濟復甦。再者，在2009年全球金融海嘯期間，中央政府同樣應香港特區的要求，推出針對深圳戶籍居民的「一簽多行」試行政策，進一步促進香港的經濟發展。
恢復「一簽多行」政策的實施，將為香港帶來深遠的經濟影響。隨著更多深圳及周邊地區的居民能夠自由訪港，香港的旅遊、餐飲和零售等行業將迎來新的增長機會。根據特區政府的預測，訪港人次的增加將直接刺激本地經濟，促進消費，提升市場活力，為香港經濟打下重要的強心劑。
美國共和黨在大選成功取得參眾兩院控制權，加上美國最高法院目前由保守派大法官控制，使得美國「三權分立」的制度受到嚴重衝擊。以特朗普涉嫌偽造商業紀錄向成人片女星支付「掩口費」的案件為例，紐約州法官不久前宣布案件無限期押後判刑，並且允許特朗普的律師提出駁回此案的動議，引起外界一片譁然，國際社會關注美國能否維持其民主政制。關於這點，我在史丹福大學進修時的論文導師戴雅門教授（Professor Larry Diamond）在特朗普當選後不久便發布文章Democracy Without America? 表達對美國民主發展的憂慮。
文章指出：「能否捍衛美國民主典範將取決於政府和社會領袖的行動，包括國會、州和地區政府、公務員、武裝部隊和地方警察、商界、公民機構，以及法院。」根據《美國憲法》，州政府擁有各自的州權，有關權力不能被美國聯邦政府侵犯。美國建國時設立的權力制衡制度，在三權分立基礎上進一步保障地方政府的權力，防範聯邦政府濫權。因此，各州政府不一定須向特朗普臣服。
此外，特朗普提名的司法部長已宣布退出角逐此職位，原因是未能在參議院獲得足夠支持，民主黨固然不會同意由涉嫌吸毒和曾爆出性醜聞的人擔任司法部長，共和黨員也不願意因支持蓋茨而付出政治代價，據聞已向特朗普表示不會支持，因此這項提名因支持不足而作廢。
美國原有的制度頂層設計和法律執行層面都有各種制衡手段，防止總統獨攬大權。戴雅門教授仍然審慎樂觀的在文章指出：「不應將美國大選解讀為對專制的投票。」從數字來看，雖然特朗普的民粹政策看似獲得決定性支持。文章引述美聯社數據：「共和黨初選時有1700 萬美國人把票投給特朗普；到正式大選，特朗普僅獲得共和黨10% 登記選民和7% 合資格選民的支持。」遠比初選時低。並且，賀錦麗雖敗但仍然取得7434 萬多票，特朗普僅獲50% 選票。由此可見，特朗普有獨裁傾向的政策能否獲美國大多數人支持仍是未知數。
The United States: Will It Become an Autocracy?
The success of the Republican Party in gaining control of both houses of Congress in the election, coupled with the current conservative control of the Supreme Court, has seriously impacted the system of "separation of powers" in the United States. For example, in the case where Trump was suspected of falsifying business records to pay "hush money" to an adult film star, a judge in New York recently announced an indefinite postponement of the case and allowed Trump's lawyer to file a motion to dismiss the case, causing an uproar and international concern about whether the United States can maintain its democratic system. Concerning this issue, my thesis advisor Professor Larry Diamond at Stanford University expressed concerns about the development of American democracy shortly after Trump's election in an article titled "Democracy Without America?"
The article points out: "Whether the American democratic model can be defended will depend on the actions of government and societal leaders, including the Congress, state and local governments, public servants, armed forces and local police, businesses, civil society organizations, and the courts." According to the U.S. Constitution, state governments have their own powers that cannot be infringed upon by the federal government. The system of checks and balances established at the founding of the United States further safeguards the powers of local governments based on the separation of powers, preventing federal government abuse of power. Therefore, state governments may not necessarily submit to Trump.
In addition, the Attorney General nominated by Trump has announced his withdrawal from the race for this position due to insufficient support in the Senate. The Democratic Party, of course, would not agree to have someone suspected of drug use and involved in sexual scandals serve as Attorney General, and Republicans are also unwilling to incur political costs for supporting Gates, reportedly indicating that they will not support Trump, rendering the nomination invalid due to insufficient support.
The top-level design and legal enforcement aspects of the original U.S. system have various means of checks and balances to prevent the president from monopolizing power. Professor Diamond cautiously and optimistically points out in the article: "The U.S. election should not be interpreted as a vote for autocracy." In terms of numbers, although Trump's populist policies seemed to garner decisive support, the article cites data from the Associated Press: "During the Republican primaries, 17 million Americans voted for Trump; in the general election, Trump only received support from 10% of registered Republican voters and 7% of eligible voters." Much lower than during the primaries. Furthermore, although Harris was defeated, he still received over 74.34 million votes, while Trump only secured 50% of the vote. Therefore, whether Trump's authoritarian policies can gain support from the majority of Americans remains uncertain.
This week, Hong Kong's chief executive, John Lee Ka-chiu, led a high-level delegation from the business sector to five major cities in the Guangdong-Hong Kong-Macao Greater Bay Area: Foshan, Guangzhou, Dongguan, Huizhou and Shenzhen. The trip, which began on Monday, took in the Guangdong-Hong Kong Economic and Trade Cooperation Exchange Meeting in Guangzhou, co-hosted by the Guangdong provincial government and the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region. Among the event's highlights was the signing of 126 economic and trade agreements worth over 100 billion yuan ($13.8 billion) between businesses from both sides. This achievement underscores not only the depth of economic ties between Hong Kong and Guangdong but also the enormous potential for future collaboration.
For Hong Kong's business community, this is more than just an opportunity — it is a clarion call to action. By embracing a more open mindset and adopting practical strategies, Hong Kong's businesses can participate in the GBA's development, unlocking new economic momentum and fostering higher-quality growth for the city itself.
Since the release of the Outline Development Plan for the Guangdong-Hong Kong-Macao Greater Bay Area five years ago, the region has emerged as one of China's most dynamic and globally connected economic zones. Its population has topped 87 million, and in 2023 its GDP exceeded 14 trillion yuan, rivaling some of the world's largest economies. This remarkable growth demonstrates the GBA's vast market potential and its appeal to global investors.
For Hong Kong, the GBA presents a treasure trove of untapped opportunities. The region's emphasis on integrating resources, industries and talents from Hong Kong, Macao and nine mainland cities offers fertile ground for fostering innovation and economic synergy.
The central government has made its priorities clear. At the recent third plenary session of the 20th Central Committee of the Communist Party of China, Beijing reaffirmed its commitment to deepening GBA collaboration, emphasizing the importance of harmonizing regulations and mechanisms between Hong Kong, Macao and mainland cities. Vice-Premier He Lifeng, speaking at the third Global Financial Leaders' Investment Summit in Hong Kong earlier this month, reiterated the central government's support for Hong Kong's role in the GBA. He stressed the importance of aligning financial and regulatory frameworks and urged Hong Kong to seize the moment to build on the region's momentum.
These developments highlight two key points: First, the central government views the GBA as a central pillar of China's high-quality development; second, Hong Kong's success is intrinsically tied to the GBA's growth. For Hong Kong, this is a unique opportunity to leverage its strengths to serve the nation's broader goals of opening up to the world.
Hong Kong's business leaders have long been at the forefront of driving the city's economic growth. In the context of the GBA, their role is even more critical. By acting as both a "superconnector" and a "super value-adder", Hong Kong businesses can bridge global resources with the GBA's growing needs. This means attracting high-end international talent, integrating global supply chains, and expanding into new international markets.
The benefits of such efforts go both ways. While Hong Kong can help raise the GBA's profile on the global stage, the region's rapid development also offers Hong Kong a chance to rejuvenate its own economy, tap into recent innovations, and strengthen its competitive edge. For instance, Hong Kong is uniquely positioned to lead in sectors like finance, logistics and professional services, where its expertise and international networks are unmatched.
However, to fully unlock these opportunities, more support is needed from the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region government. Policies that offer tax incentives, funding support and streamlined regulations could go a long way in encouraging businesses to invest in key GBA initiatives. Particular focus should be placed on infrastructure development, technological innovation and supply chain upgrades — areas where Hong Kong's contributions can make a meaningful difference.
One key area where Hong Kong can align itself more closely with the GBA is through the Northern Metropolis, a strategic development zone that aims to expand the city's economic footprint and deepen its ties with mainland cities. As Hong Kong's largest urban development initiative, the Northern Metropolis represents a bold vision for integrating industries and communities across the border.
During this week's visit, the delegation explored how Guangdong's cities have successfully planned and developed their industrial zones. The insights gained can help Hong Kong craft strategies for the Northern Metropolis, turning ambitious blueprints into tangible results. By learning from Guangdong's experience, Hong Kong can ensure that the Northern Metropolis becomes a vibrant hub where businesses from both sides of the border can collaborate seamlessly.
The GBA is not just a regional initiative — it is a global opportunity. With its unique role as an international financial center, Hong Kong has the tools to help the GBA thrive while also benefiting from its growth. But to achieve this, the city must act decisively. The HKSAR government must strengthen its policy support for businesses, while the business community itself must step up to embrace the challenges and opportunities ahead.
The path forward is clear. By deepening its integration into the GBA, Hong Kong can unlock new avenues for growth, innovation and prosperity. In doing so, it can reaffirm its position as a vital link between China and the rest of the world — a role that has defined its success for decades and will continue to shape its future.
未來幾年，全球能源政策的走向將對地球的可持續發展產生深遠影響。當國際社會不斷討論氣候變化、能源轉型與可持續經濟，不同國家的政策取向卻開始分化，呈現出截然不同的方向。美國的能源政策逐步傾向化石燃料，而歐洲與亞洲則繼續推動綠色能源轉型。列國在政策上的分歧，既反映不同經濟模式與國家利益的需求，也預示未來國際能源市場將面臨更多的不確定性。
美國最近的能源政策表明，其核心目標是重振傳統能源行業。有分析指，特朗普回歸後，可能會放寬石油與天然氣的開採限制、削弱對電動汽車的補貼政策，以及暫緩對海上風電項目的支持，這無疑展現了對化石燃料的傾斜態度。這些政策的出台，短期內或許能為美國經濟注入活力，但從減排責任的角度看，卻可能成為氣候變化治理的重大阻礙。那邊廂，歐盟則推進綠色新政，積極加速可再生能源的開發與應用；中國等亞洲國家也正致力實現「雙碳目標」，嘗試在環保與經濟增長之間尋找平衡。
在全球政策分化的格局下，香港作為國際城市，無可避免地將受到多方影響。現時，香港的能源結構主要依賴進口的化石燃料，尤其是天然氣與煤炭。隨著國際能源價格不斷波動，這種高度依賴的能源供應模式可能面臨越來越多的挑戰。為了應對未來的能源變局，香港需要在政策層面進行優化，同時大力引入科技手段來提升能源效率與安全性。
香港是一個人口密集、建築集中的城市，能源消耗主要集中於住宅和商業建築領域。因此，提高能源使用效率應成為香港未來政策的重要方向。例如通過推動建築能源效益升級，提升空調、照明等系統的效能，將有助減少整體的能源浪費。同時，香港也應考慮增加可再生能源的比例。儘管本地資源有限，但離岸風電和太陽能光伏技術仍具備一定潛力，尤其是利用建築物屋頂空間發展分散式能源系統。
科技的角色將會日益關鍵。香港面對能源轉型的挑戰，必須積極採用先進技術，以提升能源效率，實現可持續發展。
首先，智能電錶的運用和推廣是重要一環。中華電力（中電）自2018年起，啟動了為期七年的智能電錶安裝計劃，預計至2025年，為所有客戶安裝智能電錶。這些智能電錶能夠透過無線網絡自動讀取及發送電錶讀數，讓客戶隨時查閱用電量，並透過中電流動應用程式進行用電管理。
港燈亦積極推動智能電錶的安裝，計劃於2025年完成為所有58萬客戶更換智能電錶。此外，港燈推出了全新流動應用程式，方便客戶全天候處理與電力相關的事宜，並查閱每半小時的用電量紀錄。
智能電錶的應用，讓用戶能夠實時監控和管理用電情況，從而提高能源使用效率，減少浪費。結合數據分析和人工智能技術，實現能源消耗的精準監控與優化，可在宏觀層面上減輕電網負荷，提高能源使用效率；幫助市民和企業主動參與節能減排，減少對傳統能源的依賴。
第二，香港應積極建立數字化能源管理平台，將大數據和物聯網技術融入能源政策的執行過程。這些技術能幫助政府和企業更有效地制訂能源策略，並在需要時迅速應對突發變化。
然而，推動能源政策的變革，不僅需要技術層面的支持，更需要政府與社會的共同努力。香港需積極參與國際能源合作，與鄰近地區共享技術與數據資源，並借鑑其他城市在能源轉型中的成功經驗。在本地層面加強市民對綠色能源的認識，通過舉辦教育活動，鼓勵企業加入綠色認證計劃，並推動市民採用更環保的生活方式。
全球能源政策的調整，無疑是未來經濟與氣候博弈的重要戰場。科技為香港提供了創新與應對的工具，只要善加利用，香港不僅能在能源挑戰中穩步前行，還能成為亞洲智慧能源轉型的典範。以科技為基礎的可持續能源政策，將是香港在全球舞台上保持競爭力的關鍵。
共和黨總統候選人特朗普強勢歸來，再度當選總統。然而，有意見認為他將威脅美國民主及長遠發展。當今世界，雖然一人一票直選政治領袖已在許多地方成為政治正確的標竿，亦把美國視為民主理想的彼岸。然而，美國總統選舉並非完全由選民直選，而是通過選舉人團制進行。這一制度源自1787 年制定的美國憲法，最初由美國各州公民先選出該州選舉人，再由選舉人代表該州投票選出總統、副總統。理論上，選舉總統的過程中，由各州推舉產生的選舉人團可以為缺乏辨別能力的普通選民把關，從而更有希望選出稱職的總統人選，防止民粹主義等嚴重後果。
關於這點，美國史丹福大學政治及社會學教授戴雅門（Larry Diamond）在 Democracy Without America? 一文中寫到：「對於選舉結果的早期分析，特朗普的勝利更多歸因於經濟和移民等問題，而非對其專制傾向的認可。然而，無論美國人支持特朗普的理由是什麼，他的競選活動清楚表明，他將不受任何全球制約，來制衡他和他的政府的反民主衝動。各種迹象顯示他是一名民粹主義的獨裁者。」他的這番言論讓我聯想到19 世紀法國政治思想家托克維爾的一部著作《民主在美國》，書中描述了托克維爾在美國考察的經歷，他從第三者的角度觀察美國的民主制度。上卷介紹美國與歐洲的不同，又指出美國地大物博，人民可以擁有自己的土地，並且獨立經營自己的生活。這種先天條件孕育出美國獨特的政治和社會價值觀。在美國社會，幾乎所有人民都抱持勤勞工作和超越他人的理想。對托克維爾而言，美國與歐洲最大的差異就是這些獨特的民主價值觀。
托克維爾讚揚民主制度在美國的成功發展，同時對民主制度下出現多數暴政的可能性提出警告。他認為自由不是個人主義和利己主義，自由不是絕對的無限制的自由，而是基於正確理解的權利。在他看來，民主的未來不是必然的，有可能走向新的專制，也有可能走向自由。
那麼，托克維爾讚揚的美國將何去何從？我們下回分解。
Tocqueville on American Democracy / 托克維爾論美國民主
Republican presidential candidate Donald Trump has made a strong comeback and been re-elected as president. However, some believe that he poses a threat to American democracy and its long-term development. In today's world, although one person, one vote direct election of political leaders has become a political correctness benchmark in many places, the United States is still seen as the epitome of democratic ideals. However, the election of the U.S. president is not entirely by direct vote of the people, but through the Electoral College system. This system, originating from the U.S. Constitution drafted in 1787, initially involves citizens of each state electing electors who then vote for the president and vice president on behalf of the state. In theory, during the process of electing the president, the Electoral College, composed of electors selected by each state, can act as a check on ordinary voters lacking discernment, thereby increasing the likelihood of electing a qualified presidential candidate and preventing serious consequences like populism.
Regarding this, Larry Diamond, a professor of political science and sociology at Stanford University, wrote in "Democracy Without America?" that, "Early analysis of the election results attributes Trump's victory more to economic and immigration issues than to acceptance of his authoritarian tendencies. However, regardless of the reasons Americans support Trump, his campaign clearly indicates that he will not be constrained by any global norms in balancing his and his government's anti-democratic impulses. Various signs indicate he is a populist autocrat." His remarks remind me of Alexis de Tocqueville, a 19th-century French political thinker, and his work "Democracy in America," where he describes his observations of the American democratic system from a third-party perspective. The first volume introduces the differences between America and Europe, highlighting America's vastness, where people can own their land and independently lead their lives. These inherent conditions have nurtured unique political and social values in America. In American society, almost everyone holds ideals of hard work and surpassing others. Tocqueville believes that the biggest difference between America and Europe lies in these unique democratic values.
Tocqueville praises the successful development of the democratic system in America while also warning of the potential for majority tyranny under a democratic system. He argues that freedom is not individualism and selfishness, nor is it absolute unlimited freedom, but rather rights based on correct understanding. In his view, the future of democracy is not predetermined; it could lead to new despotism or towards freedom.
So, where will the America that Tocqueville praised be headed? Let's delve into that next time.
啟德體育園將於明年首季啟用，啟德青年運動場早前已進行兩場測試賽事，有關部門日前更安排約5000人進行第三次演練，測試了觀眾的進場及離場、人群管理安排、場館的安檢、驗票設施、運動場的硬件運作，同時當局向進場觀眾發問卷調查，讓觀眾親身表達對整體安排的最真實感受。
在體育園啟用前，特區政府還會繼續進行多場測試賽事和演練，包括下月測試體藝館、明年1月測試可容納5萬人的主場館。有關測試安排積極、有序、全面，汲取多次經驗再改進安排和應對方案，而且重視觀眾實際使用感受，顯示出特區政府決心為啟德體育園啟用做好萬全準備。
啟德體育園作為香港最新的標誌性建築，明年將會有多個大型盛事在此舉辦，包括作為第十五屆全國運動會和全國第十二屆殘疾人運動會暨第九屆特殊奧林匹克運動會（「殘特奧會」）、英國樂隊Coldplay香港演唱會、職業排名桌球賽「香港世界大獎賽2025」、香港國際七人欖球賽等。
其中，Coldplay將於明年4月在主場館舉行三場演唱會，成為首支在啟德體育園演出的外國樂隊，早前公開發售門票時，不足一個半小時已火速售罄三場門票，吸引約15萬海外、內地及香港樂迷前來欣賞。
近年，鄰近地區在吸引不同類型的演唱會主辦單位落戶十分積極，希望透過舉辦演唱會帶動當地經濟及文化娛樂產業發展。香港作為國際大都會，匯聚了來自世界各地的文化創意產業、藝術人才，加上我們有不同規模的表演場地，能切合不同歌手樂團或表演團體的需要，有能力有條件舉辦不同種類的盛事，增添城市魅力。另外，香港是國際航空樞紐，而且與粵港澳大灣區其他城市有便捷和多元化交通聯繫，便利來自世界各地和鄰近地區的觀眾專程來港觀看賽事或演出。
值得指出的是，目前康文署轄下的表演場地，署方向主辦單位收取每場活動門票總收入的10%作場租。香港素有盛事之都美譽，為配合啟德體育園啟用，吸引海內外更多歌手樂團或表演團體來港演出。筆者建議將康文署場地的租金，由門票總收入的10%下調至5%，或設定場地收費定額，以價低者為準，以及把場租寬減期延長兩年，增加主辦單位留港或來港舉辦不同規模的演唱會及音樂活動的吸引力。
此外，大中小型表演可一同產生聯動效應，讓旅客來港一程看多個心儀表演「看完一場又一場」，打造豐富精彩的文化旅遊體驗；同時有關部門可統整各個演唱會，作出大規模宣傳，嘗試接觸粉絲以外的觀眾，產生更大回響。
旅發局及相關部門也可在大型演唱會期間主動牽頭，把酒店、餐飲、零售及旅遊業聯合起來，為購票觀眾提供專屬優惠或套票，例如看演唱會，送特色餐飲套票，再有酒店及其他景點優惠等，讓旅客有一個全方位的體驗，務求令觀眾多留幾天，促進消費。
香港政府一直強調，政府與市場的關係是「小政府，大市場」。其實這6個字之後，還可以加上「大社會」，指的是香港社會有大量社團及非政府組織，在社會提供不同服務、宣揚他們的理念，成為構建香港的重要一部分。
政府強調的「小」，指的是對市場及社會的干預，而不一定是權力的大小，這是「有限政府」的核心思維。行政部門不單受到立法及司法的制衡，政府的文化也會刻意自行限制對市場及社會的影響。
做好由治及興的基礎
但這種政府的行動邏輯，不是一成不變，而是根據外部環境、社會結構、經濟關係等各方面而變更。近年香港經歷不少變化，中央也經常指出香港要提升治理效能，特別是經常強調香港的行政主導體制。香港政府要做好新時代的工作，不能再停留在有限政府的行動邏輯，而應蛻變成「有效政府」，這是做好由治及興的基礎。
西方的有限政府，有其歷史及理論基礎，簡單來說有4個基石。首先是自然權利論，洛克（John Locke）認為某些權利如生命、自由及財產權，是國家出現之前就固有，因此這些權利不容政府侵犯。其次是性惡論，因人性的貪婪及對權力的追求，因此對於由人組成的政府理應有所戒備。第三是自由市場論，強調政府只是「守夜人」，經濟發展靠的是市場，因此最好的政府是管得最少的政府。最後一個基石則是法治政府論，即要求一切公共事務依程序處理，以約束政府權力，避免政府的濫用。
這4個理論基石發展了歐美的有限政府理念，一方面是自由主義的延續，另一方面也是資本主義發展過程中國家與社會互動的產物。正因如此，近現代歐美國家與社會的關係，往往能找到市場及資本的支配性機制；而其中的重要實踐，就是有限政府的角色及定位。可以說有限政府的基本目的，就是維護市場及資本持續增長；其方法是恪守國家與社會邊界，以免政府干預市場運作，而實際操作則是透過三權制衡去約束國家權力。
國際關係本地社會轉變 政府面對不同任務
本港的小政府其實就是有限政府。小政府本來的設計就是傾向資本，而香港的國際化更是有利國際資本持續增長，有限政府的確曾在一段時期有助香港發展。惟這有一個重要前提，就是香港被先發展國家視為可控的地方。這段時期包括英治時期，以及中國恢復對港行使主權後，中美保持良好關係的時期。
中美關係變得緊張後，香港政府仍保持舊有行動邏輯，堅持有限政府，並不會改善香港現時治理。這一方面是因為國際關係的變化，另一方面也是香港政府因應社會改變後，面對不同的任務。以前政府只要保持市場及資本自由，就能維持本港的國際金融中心地位，因此有限政府是最好選擇。
然而今天特區政府面對的形勢更複雜，內部要改善基層治理，確保國家安全；區域上要在各方面融入粵港澳大灣區；當然，國家所交託的任務、維持及確立「八大中心，兩大樞紐」是重中之重。要完成上述目標，香港政府若只是有限政府，單靠資本及社會是難以達到的。因此香港政府需改變行動邏輯，從有限政府蛻變為有效政府。
有效政府的提出，是與績效相關的。有效政府即是有能力完成績效指標的政府，同時亦是回應人民需求及對自己問責的政府。有效政府在中國的出現，是在與歐美有限政府完全不同的時代背景。
作為後發展國家，新中國成立時，缺乏有能力維護國內市場和民族資本發展的資源，也面對諸多社會發展問題。有限政府根本無力完成大型國家的現代化任務，特別是中國面對巨型體量和規模的壓力、民生和治理的迫切要求，政府實際上負擔了巨大責任，因此就發展出有效政府的行動邏輯。其政府的認受性，來自對人民要求的持續回應及對國家長遠發展的責任，而非來自定期選舉。
「以結果為目標」 可算邁向有效政府第一步
近年中央多次重申香港的政制是行政主導，權力集中在政府手中，也是希望香港政府能夠從有限政府蛻變為有效政府。特首其實亦明白這點，因此經常強調「以結果為目標」，要求政府部門達到績效指標，這其實也算是有限政府邁向有效政府的第一步。
然而一個政府的行動邏輯，不僅僅有組織面向和治理面向，還有價值面向。組織面向透過對制度的頂層設計，是能夠最快處理的；治理面向是政府在面對社會各層面的實際操作，經一段時間後，相信兩者能找到平衡點；而價值面向才是最難處理的問題，特別是在資本主義的香港，官僚體系、市民大眾都已習慣有限政府及有限政府理論。讓官僚體系理解有效政府的價值及理論，並且使政府在日常運作及重大事件上表現有效政府的長處，才能夠令市民認受有效政府的行動邏輯，並使香港的有限政府最終蛻變為有效政府。而這亦是政府領導應該不斷向官員強調的執政重點。
港澳辦早前在深圳召開座談會，主任夏寶龍勉勵大家，「今日之世界非昨日之世界，香港也不能僅靠傳統優勢『一招鮮、吃遍天』，必須銳意改革，主動作為，在變局中打開香港新天地」。
「2024年香港工商界人士座談會」於11月8日舉行，夏寶龍強調香港「要想方設法加快旅遊業態升級，用好香港1,180公里海岸綫和263個島嶼，根據實際發展康養旅遊、度假旅遊、文化旅遊、郵輪旅遊等。」
零售需快轉型 達「性價比」合理
我十分認同夏主任的說法，皆因眾所周知，在與內地通關復常後，港人北上消費的趨勢一發不可收拾。有舊同事告訴我，他光顧深圳食肆，一餐消費不過40元人民幣，店方服務相當殷勤體貼，我們買單時，店長很有禮貌地問「今天的食物可以嘛？」在香港，即使不計算獨特的茶餐廳文化，在普通價位的餐廳食肆，未必獲得侍應笑容滿臉的招待。
購物方面，深圳很多商場地方大，品牌專櫃多，時裝款式比香港多，售價比香港便宜。在香港，可能因為零售銷售額下降，買時裝較容易斷碼，或要從上海或澳門運貨過來。
此外，「小紅書」等平台有各種購物攻略，例如指引大家乘坐深圳地鐵到哪個站有時裝特賣場，價格甚至比大商場的專櫃便宜一半。凡此種種，可見在「價廉物美、性價比高」這條綫上，香港難以和深圳比拼。香港零售業必須加緊升級轉型，使顧客覺得「性價比」合理，提高旅客的體驗。
我在本月初率領新民黨的「對外聯絡小組」到英國倫敦訪問，在密集的會議行程之間，亦把握周末在倫敦小遊，對作客倫敦有些體會，在這裏和大家分享，讓香港借鏡。
我們入住的酒店位於梅費爾區（Mayfair），我在酒店餐廳享用了幾天早餐，部長在第3天已稱呼我為「Miss Regina」，態度十分親切。某天早上，黨友來餐廳找我洽談公事，部長送他免費咖啡。酒店咖啡7英鎊（約68港元）一壺，還可以免費添飲，相比香港中區的酒店咖啡近80港元一小杯，而且逐杯收費，倫敦咖啡相對便宜了。
酒店以外的餐廳服務周到，侍應久不久便過來笑着問「Is everything OK？」說起來，美國的侍應都會滿臉堆歡地招呼客人，不過只是為了打賞小費，若小費不夠，他們還是會黑臉，比較起來，要為英國侍應點讚。
我們在周末晚上光顧了倫敦西區蘇豪區（Soho）一間普通價位的時尚餐廳，周末嘛，餐廳座無虛席，氣氛熱鬧。先入眼簾的，是餐廳聘用了輸入勞工，負責我們這桌的是一位身材高大、像是來自東歐的女侍應，她每次過來接單、上菜、換碟，都是笑容滿臉的，讓我們感到賓至如歸。
事實上，很多城市的遊客區都會針對旅客來源，聘用不同國籍的輸入勞工或留學生，例如日本、或在中國遊客高峰期的英歐時裝店，會有普通話售貨員，食肆會有英語侍應和不同語言的餐牌等等。一般而言，香港服務員的英語水平有待改善，香港需要思考如何提升針對不同國籍旅客的旅遊體驗。
我們在倫敦西區愛德華王子劇院（Prince Edward Theatre）欣賞了音樂劇《MJ》（《米高積遜》），晚上9時完場時，附近街道非常熱鬧，人潮湧動，不需要政府動手，也愈夜愈繽紛。
倫敦西區發展戲劇 領先西九
倫敦西區（West End）是歷史悠久、世界馳名的戲劇文化區，劇院林立，四處都有歌劇、音樂劇及其他藝術演出。和香港的西九文化區不同，西區這裏是自然有機發展（Organic Growth），成功主因是集聚效應（Cluster Effect），百年劇院多的是，上演的既有歷演不衰的經典劇目，例如《歌聲魅影》（The Phantom of the Opera）、《孤星淚》（Les Misérables），亦有近年新興的迪士尼音樂劇《冰雪奇緣》（Frozen the Musical）等等，集聚人才、演出、劇院，經年累月地形成區域性文化藝術產業區，吸引來自世界各地、一代又一代的觀眾購票入場，跟着帶動附近的餐飲及娛樂業。
香港的西九文化區完全不同，香港模式是先興建硬件，建成一幢幢博物館、劇院，再逐步引入軟件，即是展覽和節目，換句話說是「花了錢」再推出文化產品。例如今年年中引入了膾炙人口的《仙樂飄飄處處聞》（The Sound of Music），十分受歡迎，演出場地是戲曲中心大劇院，不過大劇院也只能容納1,000名觀眾左右，並不是大場地，門票收入有限。預計在2026年落成的演藝綜合劇場（Lyric Theatre Complex），將有助西九文化區引進更多吸引本地及海外觀眾的演出。
猶記得小時候我們在西環高陞戲院看大戲，座席前面是八仙枱，觀眾可以買點心入場，邊看大戲邊品茶食點心。北京老舍茶館也是類似的模式，倫敦西區也是這樣，場館門口很多酒水小食賣，整體氛圍很沉浸。西九文化區則截然不同，演出是演出，酒水小食一概欠奉，洗手間還要跑得老遠，場館既不能增加額外收入，亦未能進一步提升觀眾的觀劇體驗，十分可惜。
吸高端旅客 勿打壓私人會所
最後，這次訪英，我們先後獲邀到兩家風格迥異的高級會所作客。第一家是Annabel's，那是極為豪華的私人會所，內裏裝修非常華麗，客人非富則貴。晚宴主人家還特意叮囑我們到女洗手間拍照留念，皆因那是非常紅的自拍打卡點，連維多利亞（Victoria Beckham）都有在那堵精緻的馬賽克牆前留下倩影。
第二家是Brooks's Club，那是一幢非常具歷史價值的建築，經過多次翻新修葺而成今天的樣子。與Annabel's完全不同，Brooks's Club風格屬傳統英式，男士內進要結領帶，女士也要打扮優雅。
兩家風格不同的會所各有不同的吸引力，兩頓晚宴讓我們感受到倫敦既摩登又傳統的不同面貌，這也是國際大都會應有的樣子。倫敦做到了，香港要反思，究竟應如何把握既有的優質旅遊資源，不要打壓那些有珍貴康樂娛樂資源的私人會所，並且「想方設法加快旅遊業態升級」，針對性地吸引不同的旅遊客群，讓他們來沉浸式體驗香港。
上周五（11月22日），立法會財務委員會針對勞工及福利局提交的「推行取消強積金『對沖』安排資助計劃」（文件編號：FCR(2024-25)37）召開會議，通過撥款335億5190萬元，用以推行取消強積金對沖安排。會議中，多位議員表達了對該計劃的支持，但也對計劃的行政費用過高提出擔憂，期望局方能尋求壓縮開支的方案，。
社會對勞工權益的關注日益增加，自2022年立法會通過《2022年僱傭及退休計劃法例(抵銷安排)(修訂)條草案》以來，計劃將於2025年5月1日正式生效，取消對沖安排的決策已逐步成為共識。根據新規定，僱主將無法再以強積金的僱主供款抵銷在裁員或結業時應支付給僱員的長期服務金和遣散費。這改動不僅影響到個別的僱員和僱主，更在整個社會層面上具有深遠意義，通過保障僱員的經濟權益，這項政策期望能增強「打工仔」對未來的信心。
取消強積金對沖安排的主要優勢在於保障僱員的權益，當前香港生活成本相對高漲，不少僱員在退休後面臨加劇的經濟壓力。取消對沖後，僱員能全額獲得應得的遣散費和長期服務金，能提高生活質量，增強對未來的安全感。此外，僱主在裁員時不能運用強積金的僱主供款部分來抵銷應支付的遣散費和長期服務金，從而確保僱員的強積金權益不被用於降低其應得的經濟補償，有效提升退休保障水平。
儘管取消對沖將增加僱主的財務負擔，但特區政府預計推出為期25年的資助計劃，旨在分擔僱主在取消對沖後的遣散費和長期服務金支出。資助計劃不僅能減輕中小企業的財務壓力，還能促進企業的可持續發展。透過特區政府的支持，企業將能更好地規劃未來，增加對員工的責任感，增強企業形象，促進社會的整體進步。